Navegando por Navegando por Palavras-chave "Separation of powers"
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ItemA competência congressual de sustar atos do Poder Executivo: reflexões sobre a sua aplicabilidade às Agências Reguladoras(2016-12) Santos, Arthur Lardosa dosThis paperwork intends to analyze the Congressional role to suspend Regulatory Agencies’ acts. We expect to study the limits of this legislative competence facing the unique autonomy that is given to those Agencies. This work will try to set standards aiming the harmonious coexistence of both normative power and oversight function of different branches. At the end, we will examine de role of Judiciary branch in order to restore the legal framework, so neither the Legislative nor the Regulatory Agencies exceeds its own constitutional competences ItemUma espiral elitista de afirmação corporativa: blindagens e criminalizações a partir do imbricamento das disputas do sistema de justiça paulista com as disputas da política convencional(2017-02-21) Cardoso, Luciana Zaffalon LemeConsidering the concept of democracy proposed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, understood as a 'system that transforms unequal power into shared authority' (2016), and starting from the hypothesis that the Justice System can both favor and hamper the democratic deepening, the study proposes to unveil the politicization processes of São Paulo State Justice System, in order to understand how it affects the regional democratic process. The research covers the last two administrations of the São Paulo State Court of Justice´s, Public Ministry´s and Public Defender's Offices, from the beginning of 2012 to June 2016, and analyzes the social impacts of Justice administration in the fields of Public Security and the Penitentiary System, which are brought to the debate to put the analyzed issues in context. As the disputes for the control of Justice administration are structured according to political parties, embedded in the remuneration and corporate guidelines of legal careers, we propose to shift the focus from the judicialization of politics as the key element to explain the separation of powers, to enlighten the effects of the Executive Power agenda into the institutions of justice. In this context, the influence of political decision-making on judicial independence is explored considering practices that are not usually seen in the discussion about the formal and normative dynamics of separation of powers. ItemA importância da participação das agências reguladoras como amicus curiae nos processos que envolvem ambientes regulados(2010-11) Almeida Filho, Eduardo Baptista Vieira deThis paper proposes a reflection on a new role to be played by Regulatory Agencies in a democratic state, rethinking the tripartite theory developed by Montesquieu – the importance of their participation as Amicus Curiae in the proceedings that involve the regulated environment. The issue gains importance when one realizes that the decisions taken by regulators become the objects of litigation, generally initiated by class actions, that in upholding the principle of transparency of public acts and the interest of the community, sometimes just bumping into technical issues fundamental to the proper functioning of the regulated environment, and that, if modified, undermine the very provision of the service, consequently, consumers – in defense of which the action was instituted. It is the object of this work, therefore, propose a solution, or rather call attention to a solution for the problem put – because it is in the Brazilian legal system, but so little used. ItemA "independência das instâncias": investigação sobre origem e critérios de aplicação na esfera penal(2021-12-14) Carnelós, Guilherme ZilianiO direito penal econômico é rico em tipos penais acessórios, cuja produção é profícua e incessante. Por conseguinte, o relacionamento entre as esferas do poder estatal vem se tornando cada vez mais presente e relevante. Essa importância cresceu proporcionalmente ao aumento dos fatos cuja apuração é feita não só pelas autoridades encarregadas da persecução penal, mas por autoridades administrativas. Este trabalho se propõe a investigar a origem, critérios e fundamentos para a invocação do chamado “princípio da independência das instâncias”, costumeiramente presente em decisões judiciais. A aridez da literatura a respeito desse argumento direcionou o trabalho para a investigação da jurisprudência como fonte primária, concentrada em julgados do Superior Tribunal de Justiça e do Supremo Tribunal Federal, resultando, ao final, em diagnóstico do tema. ItemIndicações presidenciais para o Supremo Tribunal Federal e seus fins políticos: uma resposta a Mariana Prado e Cláudia Türner(Editora FGV e Editora Fórum, 2010-09-01) Arguelhes, Diego WerneckIn a recent paper, Prado & Türner defend and test empirically the claim that Brazilian Presidents have tried to influence public policy by maximizing the number of people they appoint to the Supreme Federal Court (STF) and regulatory agencies, and by appointing increasingly young people to these positions. In the case of the STF, the authors' model assumes that there is a strong relationship between the political-constitutional preferences of the Justices and the President who appointed them to the Court. In this paper, we present two basic objections to this explanatory model of Presidential nominations to the STF. First, from the perspective of the President, making judicial decisions converge with her political preferences is not the only relevant political goal at stake. The STF appointment process can be used to foster both political goals that are internal to the Court (convergence between Presidential and judicial policy preferences, as recognized in the authors' model) and external political goals, which we identify as bargaining or signaling. The second objection is that the very utility of appointments aimed at what we label internal political goals depends on a host of factors and conditions that a model such as Prado & Türner's one cannot accommodate. Variables such as public opinion, the composition of Congress, the patterns of interaction between the existing STF Justices and the current composition of the Court often decrease the expected utility and effectiveness of appointments made to foster convergence between judicial decisions and Presidential preferences. These two points allow us to better explain why it is the case that Brazilian Presidents sometimes appoint to the Court individuals whose political preferences are not fully convergent with their own. In this scenario, the observable outcome of the STF appointment process reflects, in a complex way, Presidential attempts to integrate in a single decision these multiple political goals, resources, constraints and opportunities. Item‘Mutação à brasileira': uma análise empírica do art. 52, x, da constituição(Fundação Getulio Vargas, Escola de Direito de São Paulo, 2014-12-01) Santos, Carlos Victor Nascimento dosThe goal of this study is to assess the soundness of the thesis that the Brazilian system of diffuse judicial review has undergone a 'constitutional mutation', specifically regarding the Federal Senate's constitutional prerogative to suspend the enforcement of any law or normative act that has been declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Federal Court by means of concrete review. This 'constitutional mutation' argument has been employed by Justice Gilmar Ferreira Mendes in the judgment of the Reclamação 4.335-5/AC by the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court. To assess the consistency of this thesis, this paper does an empirical analysis of the role of the Brazilian Senate in using the powers conferred to it by article 52, X, of the 1988 Constitution. This argument also supports the idea that any instances of constitutional reasoning based on 'constitutional mutation' cannot be grounded only on doctrinal and jurisprudential inputs and require empirical analysis in order to be justified. ItemA mutação constitucional como realização de defesa da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988(2011-05) Lourenço Junior, Artur de AlmeidaThe purpose of this study is to analyze the plausibility of the thesis of the constitutional mutation as a mechanism for effectuation of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988 from 6 (six) main judgments of the Supreme Court determine whether the limitations of this phenomenon are being respected. Aiming to prove this thesis it was studied since the choice of the original constituents in assign a hard feature to the homeland Constitution allowing certain subjects its text to be changed through specific mechanisms, even the reflex legitimacy of STF judges to act as positive regulators changing the meaning of the rule without changing its content. The exposure of the limits of constitutional mutation also received particular attention, since only from the comprehension of these limits could be made an analysis of possible extrapolation of competence of the Judiciary. From the judgments of the Supreme Court we verify that the constitutional mutation is being applied within its limits, so this institute achieved its central goal of bringing the constitution close to the reality of the society without violating the principle of Separation of Powers. As s result we conclude that the constitutional mutation, from the current political scenario of suffocation and slowness of the Legislative Power, is an essential tool to enforce the fundamental principles and precepts of the Constitution. At this juncture, abdicate this valuable tool would be the same of admitting the failure and non-observance of the legal system since it wouldn’t be able to rule society’s human relations. ItemMutação constitucional do controle difuso no Brasil? Uma análise do papel do Senado Federal diante do art. 52, X, da Constituição(2010-06) Santos, Carlos Victor Nascimento dosThe goal of this study is to assess the soundness of the thesis that the Brazilian system of diffuse judicial review has undergone a 'constitutional mutation', specifically regarding the Federal Senate’s constitutional prerogative to suspend the enforcement of any law or normative act that has been declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Federal Court by means of concrete review. This 'constitutional mutation' argument has been employed by Justice Gilmar Ferreira Mendes in the judgment of the Reclamação 4335-5/AC by the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court. To assess the consistency of this thesis, this paper (a) investigates the necessary empirical conditions that must be true for such a 'constitutional mutation' argument to be deemed plausible in the Brazilian legal system, and (b) does an empirical analysis of the role of the Brazilian Senate in using the powers conferred to it by article 52, X of the 1988 Constitution. After comparing the data thus obtained with the conditions presented in the conceptual part of the paper, I argue that Justice Mendes’ acknowledgment of the supposed 'constitutional mutation' of article 52, X is ungrounded. This argument also supports the idea that any instances of constitutional reasoning based on 'constitutional mutation' cannot be grounded only on doctrinal and jurisprudential inputs and require empirical analysis in order to be justified. ItemAs normas de observância obrigatória nas Constituições Estaduais à luz do Supremo Tribunal Federal(2012) Silva, Winnie Prado daThis paper’s goal is to verify if the Brazilian Supreme Court has a consolidated position on rules of mandatory compliance established by the Federal Constitution in State Constitutions, what are the most recurrent issues decided and the principles used as basis for these decisions. Initially, there is a doctrinal analysis of the principles, seeking to conceptualize, classify and establish the so called rules of mandatory compliance. Then, there is an extensive jurisprudential research of the most recurrent issues that directly involve the rules of mandatory compliance. Lastly, a doctrinal study was done about the constitutional principles used by the ministers of the Supreme Court as the main arguments to determine whether or not a rule should be of mandatory compliance or not. ItemA presidência brasileira e a separação dos poderes(2005-11-24) Mettenheim, Kurt vonThis report presents the initial results of a long-term research program on the Brazilian presidency and its relations with other branches of government. While scholars have found empowerment in the executive, legislature, and judiciary in Brazil since the 1988 Constitution, these findings taken as a whole suggest that a more complex, contested, and positive-sum policy process has emerged in the country. Review of recent scholarship on the legislature, judiciary, and executive in Brazil and the United States suggests the need for further comparative analysis of the separation of powers in these two countries. The report defines themes for future research by identifying the concepts, methods, and theories from analysts of U.S. political institutions that appear most relevant in understanding the Brazilian experience. Progress is also reported in the organization of a database on inter-branch spending trends in Brazil since 1994 from existing government budget data. ItemPresidentes fracos: legados de perda de poder para o cargo da Presidência da República(2018) Costa, Luiz Carlos Penner Rodrigues daO art. 62 da Constituição dá à Presidência da República o poder de editar medidas provisórias em caso de urgência e relevância. Este é reconhecido como o poder mais expressivo à disposição de presidentes da República. Ocorre que tal afirmação desconsidera que poderes são disputados no decorrer do jogo da Separação de Poderes – no que chamamos conflitos sobre regras (oposto aos conflitos dentro das regras) e que podem gerar mudanças endógenas na alocação de autoridades entre os atores políticos. Considerando esta perspectiva fluida da Separação de Poderes, este trabalho pretende demonstrar que presidentes fracos em determinado contexto podem gerar legados de perda de poderes para o cargo da Presidência da República – afetando os futuros presidentes que ocuparão aquele cargo. ItemSeparação de poderes, democracia e accountability: uma análise das reuniões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88(2019) Wanick, LucaEste artigo buscou averiguar em que medida democracia, separação de poderes e suas interseções com a noção de accountability foram uma preocupação durante a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88. Na primeira seção, traçou-se um breve histórico da democracia e delineou-se o que se entendia por ela, recorrendo-se às características da democracia política listadas por Dahl e O’Donnel. Em seguida, introduziu-se a noção de accountability vertical e horizontal e descreveu-se a teoria da Separação dos Poderes, de Montesquieu. Na segunda seção, apresentou-se de que forma se organizou a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88. Na seção seguinte, foi definido como escopo deste trabalho as discussões realizadas no âmbito da Comissão da Organização dos Poderes e Sistema de Governo e da Subcomissão do Poder Legislativo. Na quarta seção, aprofundou-se o conceito de accountability, introduzindo-se as noções de accountability forense e de agência definidas por Jeremy Waldron. Na seção subsequente, foram apresentadas as discussões e propostas feitas pelos constituintes no tocante a formas de prestação de contas. O primeiro grupo disse respeito à dimensão de transparência e acesso à informação relacionada à accountability. O segundo tratou de mecanismos de fiscalização interna e externa de agências estatais e seus agentes. O último conjunto reuniu discussões acerca das respostas dadas a agentes que tenham agido em descompasso com o que deles era esperado. Por fim, foram traçadas considerações sobre os resultados obtidos. ItemSúmula vinculante e ratio decidendi: uma abordagem empírica a respeito de redesenho institucional e cultura jurídica(2011-04-11) Glezer, Rubens EduardoThe 2004 Brazilian Judiciary Reform is part of a long process of political attempts to create changes that were not produced spontaneously by the legal culture. The súmula vinculante is a great example of such process, since is a legal institute aimed to solve persistent problems that came from the absence of a legal culture of precedents in Brazil. However, the own effectiveness of the institute depends on the adequate use of a precedents rationale, since the clarity of the binding rulings depends on the clarity of the ratio decidendi of the respective precedents. By the analysis of the legislative debates that created the súmula vinculante, as well of the approval proceedings of the binding rulings related to criminal law issued until the end of 2010, it was researched precisely how the Brazilian Supreme Court managed to handle such institute that conflicts with the traditional way of providing grounds to judicial decisions and of conceptual rather than factual relation between past decisions. ItemA utilização de Propostas de Emendas à Constituição como forma de reação a decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal(2018-08) Cardoso, Vinicius da SilvaArticle 2 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution states that the Legislative, the Executive, and the Judiciary branches are independent and harmonic among themselves. The independence and the harmony provided in Article 2 are constantly tested by the conflicts originated from the performance of each branch’s activities. This essay intends to investigate part of the relationship between the Legislative branch – represented by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and the Brazilian Federal Senate – and the Judiciary branch – represented by the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF). In short, it focuses on cases in which the chambers of the Brazilian Congress react to the STF. This essay maps the reactions and its possible patterns and lists hypothesis to try to explain them. To achieve this goal, this essay analyzes the proposals of Amendments to the Brazilian Constitution (PEC) approved by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies or the Brazilian Federal Senate. Each PEC was analyzed and compared to past decisions rendered by the STF to assess whether it represents a reaction. ItemO veto presidencial no STF: estudo de um caso de tensão entre os poderes(2016-04-01) Bispo, Nikolay HenriqueThis study aims at describing and analyzing how the Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) rules the cases that deal with presidential veto, in order to identify how the STF's relationship with the legislative and executive branches is built. Through the cases, this research focus on the rules established by the STF in defining the role of the executive and legislative to decide cases on the presidential veto and in limiting its own jurisdiction. To this, the author develops a theoretical reasoning about the judiciary's role in this phase of the separation of powers (veto); and analyzes fifty-five decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject, several legislative branch documents on bills and laws and, finally, presidential documents that have reasoning for the presidential veto. The cases studied showed that the form of the Supreme Court decision in such cases is diverse, since it is possible to identify profiles for each of the seven groups of cases created in the research. Secondly, I found that the cases analyzed, as a rule, represent a breach of understanding about the political decision-making among political actors involved and STF is demanded to solve the conflicts. The cases also showed that the Supreme Court is clear on the scope of their responsibilities for the control of such cases, allowing ample space for its own power, however, in practice only in exceptional cases this body decides invalid (unconstitutional) the case. I also concluded that, even if exceptional cases where the Supreme Court acts in an emphatic manner, the consequences of these decisions can cause are serious and that therefore there should be legal limits to its performance and even accountability for their decisions. Finally, the scholars of separation of powers, more specifically the veto, do not analyze the importance that the judiciary has in this process.